Fulanization Beyond 2023: Was Darlington Akaiso Predicting Doom?
By UbongAbasi Ise | The Rights Guardian
In less than a year before 2023 general elections, a lot of occurrences in Nigeria have pointed to manifestations of Fulani 3Ps Secret Agenda as carefully analyzed and submitted by Dr. Darlington Akaiso in his 2020 book, Farming with Guns. Ranging from political party primaries, Kuje prison break to the attack on presidential convoy in the mid-2022, every happenstance appear to be the early signs of childbirth as contained in the work published two years ago in Canada.
Clearly, we saw what happened in the PDP’s presidential primaries in June 2022 where Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal, a Fulani from Sokoto, stepped down for Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, another Fulani from Adamawa State who eventually emerged as the party’s flag-bearer in the 2023 presidential election. Going by this observation, is it not possible that President Muhammadu Buhari, a Fulani, might rescind partisan interest and play this ethnic card? And could this be the remote reason the President was not expressing any personal interest in whoever emerged the presidential flag-bearer in his party, the APC, who would subsequently contend with his kinsman from the other political divide? It is therefore left for the keen observers to understudy the body language of Mr. President as the events unfold towards 2023.
One of the major articles dominating discussion in the 149-page book, Farming With Guns, is Fula overarching power ambition. Dr. Darlington Akaiso, has taken time to reference the declaration of late Premier of defunct Northern Nigeria, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, who he described as the prime-mover of Fulani power agenda in post-independent Nigeria. Alhaji Bello was quoted in the Parrot Newspaper edition of 12th October, 1960, exactly 12 days after Nigeria’s independence, as saying thus: “the new independent nation called Nigeria should be an estate of our great grandfather, Uthman dan Fodio. We must ruthlessly prevent change of power. We must use the minorities of the North as willing tools and the South as conquered territory and never allow them to rule over their future.”
About 60 years later as captured in Dr. Akaiso’s work, Alhaji Bello Abdullahi Bodejo, the National President of a Fulani group, Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore, on Saturday June 6, 2020, was quoted by The Sun Newspaper as saying that the Fulani are the owners of Nigeria. In his words, “…they produced Nigeria. They produced the first Prime Minister. If they produced the first president, another president, another president and so on, are they not the owner of the country? Fulani are ruling Nigeria and they must continue to rule the country forever.”
If the foregoing is anything to go by, then it appears a Fulani presidency in 2023 is not far from dark agenda supposedly set in place by architects of Fula occultation. As submitted in the book, the country may become once again, a broad theatre of terrorism, probably after the take-off of another Fulani presidency. But what are the reasons to this terroristic linkage to Fula Presidency?
Remotely, Dr. Darlington Akaiso has strongly linked many woes of insurgency and terrorism in the contemporary Nigeria to the quest for power domination by the Fulani as this is being conditioned by psycho-religious and historical contexts which found express in Uthman dan Fodio's jihad in the 19th century, described by the author as Fulani's revolt against their being political subjects to Habe rulers. Weaving Fulani’s quest for power supremacy and domination of other groups around secret pulaaku code, Dr. Akaiso puts that the establishment of Sunni Muslim empire following a series if jihads that were championed by Uthman dan Fodio in 1804 and his son, Mohammed Bello, had placed the Fulani as one ethnic entity that stays on top of Islamic religio-political ladder of the Northern system while the Kanuri-led Old Bornu Empire bloc in the North-East manage to play second fiddle role despite being unconquered by Uthman dan Fodio. In his further explanation, the confrontations between the Fulani jihadists and the Kanuri’s Borno Empire commencing from 1808 ended in stalemate thus producing two Islamic blocs in the North: Sokoto Caliphate, spanning Northwest to the North-Central where Christian ethnic minorities impeded its spread to the South; and Old Bornu Empire controlled by the Kanuri maintains the Northeast domain. Therefore, as the author puts, the insulation of the expansionist drive of the Sokoto Caliphate by Muhammed Al-Kanemi's Bornu Empire was not only fueling hostility between the two Islamic powers but plunging them into stiff struggles for religious, socio-political, cultural and ideological supremacy in which the Fulani still manage to have an edge over their Kanuri rivals.
As averred by the author of Farming with Guns, why the Fulani are able to expand their power base is through ethnic conversion achieved by Fulanizing other groups by means of Islamization which turn out to give Sokoto Caliphate leverage on power-game because, in the Islamic-political formation, it is the Fulani that control the Caliphate and the Emirates. Therefore, becoming a Muslim means the same way of accepting a religio-political system which the Fulani take control of. It is therefore common to see Muslims from other differing ethnic groups in the North supporting a Fulani candidate because they are not seen as Fulani but as a fellow Muslim speaking the same Hausa language.
Following up Dr. Darlington Akaiso’s work, there is a reminder that it was under a Fulani presidency (Umaru Musa Yar’Adua) in 1999 that Kanuri ethnics transformed a seemingly benign Islamic sect known as Boko Haram to one of the deadliest terrorist groups in the world. Before then, as captured by the writer, Kanuri did not have a militancy system to help drive their ethnic ambition in a pluralistic Nigerian state just like the then Yoruba's O'odua Peoples' Congress (OPC); Igbo's Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), and the Ijaw's Niger-Delta militants. It was after the Nigerian police, in 2009, allegedly murdered Muhammed Yusuf, a Kanuri and the leader of Boko Haram, that reprisal events snowballed into the transformation of Boko Haram which become a ready tool in the hands of the Kanuri ethnics to use in avenging the death of their kinsmen caused by a Fula-controlled federal government, as well as seeking to address the disproportionate distribution of resources and opportunities in the country.
Dr. Akaiso has brought to the understanding that the Fulani could not sit back and fold their arms while watching the Kanuri through Boko Haram apparatus taking over northern system that was shaped by Uthman dan Fodio, and then establish their caliphate over Nigeria. The capturing of territories and converting Christian ethnic minorities to Islam by the Kanuri’s Boko Haram appeared to provoke the Fulani. Boko Haram leader, Abubakar Shekau, after conquering Gwoza, was quoted in the book as saying “Allah used us to capture Gwoza; Allah is going to use Islam to rule Gwoza, Nigeria and the whole world."This feat could have become a total suppression of Fulani leadership of the Northern system.
With Kanuri's Boko Haram seizing territories and seeking to establish Islamic Caliphate over Nigeria and the world, it was a clear signal to the Fulani that a paradigm shift in the domination of the Northern system is eminent. Dr. Darlington Akaiso noted that the only mechanism available for violent reaction by the Fulani or what could be passed as their ethnic militia to help strike counterbalance or halt this trend and to maintain the status quo remains the militant herdsmen. The herdsmen’s forceful response contributed to the massacre of about 1,229 persons in 2014 alone. According to the writer, this was a way of securing their area of influence in the Middle-Belt and to keep at bay whatever agenda the Kanuri militants would bring to their domain. Hence, the Fulani herdsmen violent conflict could be said to be a strategy of maintaining the hegemony of the Sokoto Caliphate over the Old Bornu Empire and to suppress any Caliphate proposed by the agents of Kanuri interest.
In the dawn of Tuesday, July 5, 2022, Kuje Medium Custodial Centre in the Federal Capital Territory was attacked by suspected Boko Haram militants while 69 inmates linked to terrorism cases were set free. Apart from suspicion of preparing the ground for 2023 electioneering season and a way of inspiring new recruits, what the prison break ultimately implies is that the freedom of the terrorists could be a grand ploy by the Kanuri agendists to get back at the Fulani-led government as they are gradually losing top positions in Buhari’s government to the Fulani after Buhari conceded the country's strategic offices and power structure to the Fulani's agenda.
Again, following the Kuje prison break, it appears that terrorism might be taken to incredible high level by 2023. As explained by Dr. Darlington Akaiso in the book, it is an unwritten code in the contemporary Nigerian polity to employ ethnic militia in the agitation for power. He further predicted that refusal to allow Kanuri a shot at the presidency would lead to continuation of Boko Haram militancy because the Kanuri of the northeast believes they deserve to provide Nigeria with a president in the new dispensation of democracy. It seems keeping of the Kanuri at the fringes of Nigerian power politics might not properly address the insecurity question in the North unless proper negotiation is tabled.
Dr. Darlinton Akaiso has pointed that it is the herdsmen militancy that birthed trans-border banditry as disgruntled militants go berserk plundering properties and killing hundreds of persons in the Fulani’s Northwest domain, warning that this may ball out of control in due course. In fact, it would be recalled how recently the bandits, around Dutsin-ma community in Katsina State, carried out attack on the advance team of President Muhammadu Buhari’s convoy that were ahead of the President’s Sallah trip to Daura. It shows that the little snakes bred few years ago could soon grow into monstrous serpent that would not only trouble the neighbours but consume the owners.
As a quick reminder, year 2023 will be 24 years since democracy returned in 1999. It seems the Fulani ethnic group has already dominated Nigerian political leadership so far. Chief Olusegun Obasanjo ruled eight years; Alhaji Musa Yar’Adua managed to rule for about three years before his demise in 2010. Dr. Goodluck Jonathan presided over the country for more than five years while President Muhammadu Buhari is expected to complete his eight years in office by 2023. Out of the 24 years, the combination of Yoruba (Obasanjo) and Ijaw (Jonathan) has controlled the country for 13 years while Fulani alone will have to rule for 11 years by 2023. If Atiku Abubakar wins the 2023 presidential election, then it is apparent that the Fulani will rule for 15 years out of 28 years by 2027 while the rest still has 13 years altogether since 1999. We should not forget that Atiku Abubakar would still be eligible to re-contest for another four-year term in 2027. With one ethnic group seeking to dominate others, it is natural to agree with Dr. Darlington Akaiso that a prolonged Fulani presidency might provoke more ethnic dissatisfaction which could breed several insurgent outfits anywhere in the country.
For information on the book, Farming With Guns, contact +2348023151931.
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